The 90-day building freeze the Obama Administration is asking Israel to accept in return for a bag of goodies (read: bribe) will include the eastern half of Jerusalem, contrary to original reports on the proposal.
A senior American diplomat confirmed to Israel’s Ha’aretz daily newspaper that Israel will not be able to build in the Jewish neighborhoods in eastern Jerusalem or demolish illegally-built Arab homes if it wants increased US support at the UN, more recognition of Israeli security demands, and possibly 20 new F-35 fighter jets.
But the wording is expected to be deceptive. According to the report, the US-Israeli deal will not explicitly prohibit Jewish construction in eastern Jerusalem, but the White House will nevertheless look to Israel to fulfill that Palestinian demand.
Right-wing Israeli lawmakers have been yelling for the past week that the US proposal is a trap, and that despite US promises that no further freeze will be asked for beyond these 90 days, previous American “guarantees” have proved otherwise.
What’s worse is that if the US presses for Israel to also stop demolishing illegally built Arab homes, that means the Palestinians may initiate a massive building rush in Jerusalem. Already, local Arabs building hundreds to thousands of housing units every year in the Israeli capital without proper authorization and building permits. Due to Israel’s desire to not be too harshly condemned in the international arena, very few of those houses are removed.
Signaling that he liked the way things were starting to go, Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas on Sunday declared that there would be no resumption of peace talks unless a Jewish building freeze in Jerusalem is part of the US proposal. Since the goal of the freeze to facilitate a resumption of direct peace talks, Washington is expected to fully back Abbas’ position.
Thousands of Israelis demonstrated outside the Prime Minister’s Office in Jerusalem on Sunday to demand that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reject the American proposal. Netanyahu is currently in favor of accepting the deal, believing that it will provide Israel the moral and diplomatic upper hand, and expose the Palestinians as the true obstacle to peace.
Past prime ministers have made similar errors, like Ariel Sharon in uprooting the 10,000 Jews of Gaza.
Does freeze deal make sense?
Op-ed: Freeze debate should take into account some facts about settlements, US politics
1. The complex nature of Jewish construction in the settlements:
If Jewish construction in Judea and Samaria prejudges the outcome of negotiation, wouldn't Palestinian construction in Judea and Samaria have the same effect?!
If the uprooting of Jewish communities advances peace, why would the uprooting of Arab communities undermine peace?!
The call for uprooting Arabs is immoral; isn't the uprooting of Jews just as immoral?!
If the 300,000 Jews, among 1.5 million Arabs, in Judea and Samaria constitute an obstacle to peace, how would one define the 1.5 million Arabs, among 6 million Jews, within pre-1967 Israel?!
If Jewish settlements/communities in Judea and Samaria (established1967) constitute the obstacle to peace, why was the PLO established in 1964?! Why did anti-Jewish Palestinian terrorism flare up during the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s?! Why did the Arab-Israel wars erupt in1948/9, 1956 and 1967? Why did an unprecedented Palestinian terrorism surge follow the 1993 Oslo Accord and the 2005 uprooting of 25 Jewish communities in Gaza and Northern Samaria?!
Past freezes, slowdowns and dismantling of Jewish construction in Judea and Samaria intensified pressure and exacerbated terrorism – what would be the impact of another freeze?!
2. White House promises, guarantees and commitments by US presidents are evasive and illusive:
They are replete with escape routes, ambiguity, non-automaticity, and always subject to US' – and not the recipient's – interests. Even the tightest US treaty – with NATO – allows the US to consider the activation of military force.
3. Precedents of US commitments raise doubts:
The 1954 US-Taiwan defense treaty was concluded by President Eisenhower and terminated by President Carter in 1979.
In 1957, Israel retreated from the Sinai Peninsula in exchange for President Eisenhower's Executive Agreement, which committed US military deployment should Egypt violate Sinai's demilitarization and blockade Eilat.
In 1967, Egypt violated Sinai's demilitarization and blockaded Eilat, but President Johnson declared his predecessor's commitment non-binding.
In 1975, President Ford sent an official letter to Prime Minister Rabin, declaring that the US shall give great weight to Israel's position that the Golan Heights should remain under Israel's control. In 1979, President Carter declared Ford's letter non-committal.
In 1982, President Reagan stipulated – in order to overcome Congressional opposition – that the F-15s sold to Saudi Arabia would not be stationed in Tabuq, south of Eilat. In 2003, President Bush justified the Saudi deployment of the fighter planes to Tabuq by altered strategic regional circumstances.
In 1991 President Bush promised Prime Minister Shamir – in return for Israeli restraint in face of Iraqi Scud missiles - to favorably consider granting Israel $10 billion loan guarantees for the absorption of one million Soviet Jews, and to dedicate 30% of the bombing in West Iraq to the destruction of the Scud launchers. Prime Minister Shamir kept his side of the bargain; President Bush did not!
In 2000, President Clinton promised Israel $800 million for the retreat from Southern Lebanon, none of which has reached Israel.
4. An American president is not omnipotent, and Congress has the capabilities to enhance US-Israel cooperation:
An American president represents one third of the US government, equal in power to the other third, the US Congress. Unlike the Parliamentarian system, a US president does not determine the list of candidates to the Legislature, the identity of congressional leaders, nor the slate of legislation to be introduced in Congress. A president is constrained by a robust system of checks and balances and by a complete separation of powers between the Executive and the Legislature.
It was Congress – sometimes in defiance of presidents - which terminated US military involvement in Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Angola and Nicaragua, facilitated the Jewish Exodus from the USSR (the "Jackson-Vanik Amendment"), cut foreign aid to Turkey following the latter's invasion of Cyprus, accelerated the fall of South Africa's White Regime (overriding Reagan's veto), etc.
In 1991, Congress forced President Bush to transfer to Israel $700 million worth of military systems, in addition to a $650 million emergency grant and the refurbishing of the port of Haifa for the benefit of the Sixth Fleet.
5. Congress shares policy-making power, while possessing exclusive legislative power:
Congressional posture is bolstered during economic crises (e.g. currently) and presidential posture is enhanced during wartime.
In 1995 and 1999, Congress intended to force the president to transfer the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, but Israel's prime ministers urged Congress to temper the legislation, thus dooming the effort.
In October 1998 – a few days before the convening of the Wye Plantation Conference – Democratic congressional leaders told Secretary of State Madeleine Albright: "When it comes to opposing pressure on Israel, we are with Newt (Gingrich)." However, an Israeli prime minister pulled the rug from under their feet….
The US Congress – equipped with the Power of the Purse – has the Constitutional capabilities to initiate, suspend, amend and rescind policies. Congress can direct presidents to exercise the veto power at the UN Security Council, supply Israel with vital military systems in face of mutual threats, etc.
Will Jerusalem learn from history by repeating – or by avoiding – critical errors?!
